We're Already At War In Syria
By: Rachel Marsden
What happens when a brutal regime gets replaced by an alternative and largely
unknown entity? Exhibit A: Libya.
Shortly after Muammar Gaddafi bumped his head on a bullet, the "rebels" took
over and promptly declared Sharia law. It's a start -- I guess. Though a start
of what, no one's really quite sure. This week, a new set of Libyan "rebels" has
emerged to replace the old ones, seizing control of Tripoli airport and
diverting flights. It's just like the game Whack-a-Mole: Knock one down, and
five more pop up.
They may sort themselves out and gradually get the hang of democracy, or they
may just remain a set of tribal factions fighting for supremacy from now until
eternity. Whenever Western intervention is involved in regime change, as was the
case with NATO in Libya, there ought to be a certain moral responsibility to
stick around until the country has stabilized -- ideally around economic
development, natural resource extraction and trade.
Going in without a game plan for stabilization or, worse, as in the case of
Afghanistan, allowing the ongoing source of destabilization and corruption to
fester and thrive -- as with the opium fields and drug trade -- and then
declaring the place a lost cause, arguably makes the exercise pointless. If it
was a lost cause going in, and you weren't going to change that, then why
bother? Just to temporarily replace a dictator with a bunch of fighting
wannabe-dictators? And there had better be a substantial economic return for any
of it to have been worthwhile -- none of which is owed to you when you hit 'n'
split.
Which brings us to the newest global whipping boy, Bashar al-Assad of Syria,
currently reading the part of Muammar Gaddafi in Act One of the same play we saw
last year. This week, Syrian rebels fighting against Assad's forces are now
calling for the protective cover of a United Nations "no-fly zone" -- which is
exactly what happened in Libya right before mission creep, whereby air
protection rapidly disintegrated into a ground conflict. It's unlikely Russia
and China are likely to fall for that one twice, especially after being hesitant
the first time.
Wondering when America is going to intervene militarily in Syria? Psst ... this
IS the military intervention. That's why there's been fighting for the past 15
months. It's not like a dictator's iron fist suddenly got wobbly with carpal
tunnel syndrome without some kind of external impetus.
As a WikiLeaks document illustrated in February, when the hacking collective
Anonymous obtained private intelligence firm Stratfor's email communications,
America was unofficially all over Libya while Obama bragged that the U.S. never
officially had any boots on the ground. Right -- not in uniform, at least.
In one email, Stratfor asked: "You guys lending the opposition a hand?" A
contractor on government assignment inside Libya responded: "Certainly are. They
need it. At the request of a (U.S. government) committee and the (rebels). Been
there since no-fly."
Fast-forward to Syria. WikiLeaks published an email from December 2011 in which
an American private security firm representative is described by Stratfor as "intend(ing)
to offer his services to help protect the opposition members, like he had
underway in Libya," further stating that other private Western entities would
"engage Syrian opposition in Turkey," and "the true mission is how they can help
in regime change."
So there you have it: The interventionist efforts have begun and may even be
wrapped up by the time anyone gets around to doing anything about it in any
official capacity. We seem to have entered a new era of warfare in which a
problem can regularly be resolved through unofficial military -- or, as it's
known euphemistically, "security" -- intervention, all while people are busy
whining about the lack thereof, just like a kid at the doctor's office crying
about the needle going into his arm when the blood has already been drawn.
Maybe Americans are getting the kind of wars they deserve -- covert ones that
circumvent the kind of moaning that military intervention has triggered in the
recent past. The downside is that the responsibility for the outcome, and the
rights to any spoils of victory, are obscured. Who's going to be responsible for
cleaning up after the inevitable post-revolution tribal clashes? Certainly not
the private contractors, who'll be off to the next gig. And who gets to lay
claim to any economic benefits that might open up in a newly destabilized
market? Not the nations who pretend they weren't even there.
COPYRIGHT 2012 RACHEL MARSDEN