European officials worry about U.S. hawks starting a war in cyberspace
By: Rachel Marsden
MOSCOW — U.S. national security adviser John Bolton was in the United Arab
Emirates last week for the implementation of a defense cooperation agreement
between the two nations. Bolton and Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed,
who’s also commander of the Emirati armed forces, have a long-shared obsession:
Iran.
Speaking of mysterious damage done to some oil tankers in Emirati waters last
month, Bolton said: “There is no doubt in anybody’s mind who is responsible for
this, and it’s important that the leadership in Iran knows that we know.”
Actually, there’s doubt in a lot of people’s minds as to who is responsible for
those attacks, which is why it would be nice if, for once, Bolton could provide
skeptics with some reliable evidence. Bolton may not realize it, but he’s cried
wolf so many times now that even some of the countries he considers to be his
best geopolitical buddies are giving him the side-eye on matters of attack
attribution.
Judging by Bolton’s Twitter account, he’s on a nickname basis with European
allies. He gave France, Germany and the UK a shout-out last week, tweeting that
it’s “always good to connect with our Quad partners.”
The Quads? There’s a name for the clique? Are we in a ’70s-era Broadway musical?
While Bolton may fancy himself John Travolta in a leather jacket leading a
“T-Bird”-like gang of Western allies, France is expressing reservations about
blindly following the sort of assessments Bolton often peddles.
The French are now zeroing in on the one place where Bolton may find it easiest
to drum up a war: in the Matrix.
When Claire Landais, the French general secretary for defense and national
security, testified at a French Senate commission inquiry on digital sovereignty
last month, she remarked on the tendency of U.S. officials to “name and shame”
attackers in the absence of reliable attribution. Landais also took issue with
the Donald Trump-era policy of turning a blind eye to U.S.-backed private actors
taking cyber retribution into their own hands.
“France is promoting internationally its vision,” Landais said, “according to
which international law is applicable to cyberspace, and public attribution
remains a political decision which is sovereign and cannot therefore be
delegated to an international organization.”
It doesn’t sound as if France has much trust in U.S. cyber attribution, or any
interest in going along with an international organization that relies on it.
“Faced with a growing cyber threat, some actors, mainly Americans, question the
monopoly of states in the use of legitimate violence,” Landais said. “Based on a
questionable interpretation of the right to self-defense in the cyberspace,
which is not ours, they promote an offensive doctrine of response to attacks,
allowing a response by the private actors themselves (“hack back”) that goes
beyond the mere protection of their own information systems, allowing, for
example, intrusions into the enemy systems to destroy them.”
Who might Landais be referencing when she refers to the U.S. encouraging rogue
actors in cyberspace? In September 2018, the Trump administration announced a
new national cyber strategy, fronted by none other than Bolton.
“We will identify, counter, disrupt, deter and degrade behavior in cyberspace
that is destabilizing and contrary to our national interest,” Bolton said at the
time.
How convenient: a realm with even fuzzier and more complex attribution to
leverage as a pretext for starting new wars (possibly even via private-sector
cyber-mercenaries) with whichever foreign entity Bolton and his likeminded war
hawks choose.
As with more conventional warfare, the new U.S. cyber strategy involves trying
to build an international coalition against those deemed to be bad actors.
Judging from the cyber strategy report, the targets have already been
identified: Russia, Iran, China and North Korea.
The French apparently aren’t willing to jump in with both feet and prefer to
make assessments on a case by case basis — just as they declined to blindly join
the coalition of the willing in Iraq.
Germany doesn’t seem keen on trusting U.S. assessments on cyber matters either.
The Germans have resisted U.S. pressure to preemptively ban Chinese 5G network
competitor Huawei from its market.
Huawei represents a significant threat to American competitors, and surely the
German government recognizes this when assessing the credibility of warnings
issued by the U.S. under a national-security pretext. After all, it wasn’t long
ago that the Trump administration was labeling Canada as a national security
threat in order to justify implementing tariffs on Canadian steel.
The abstract nature of the digital space coupled with the smoke and mirrors
involved in attribution create a troubling blind spot — a loophole ripe for
exploitation by anyone hell-bent on launching a new war.
COPYRIGHT 2019 RACHEL MARSDEN